Beyond the ‘Sham’ tag: Myanmar’s first phase polls offer first signs of stability

Amid the loud chorus dismissing the polls as a sham, December 28, 2025, was a landmark day for Myanmar, as it successfully conducted phase-1 of its national elections. It was incident-free, except for some instances of EVM breakdowns. The average voting participation was over 60% and held in the presence of international observers and the foreign diplomatic community. These elections, even before their conduct, had been spurned by the West and its media reportage denouncing these as rigged and undemocratic. Contrary to negative media reports, the elections, as witnessed by the author, came across as well-planned, aimed as the first step towards restoring stability in a country facing civil war for the past three years. It could be pathbreaking, if the last phase is also successful. The elections were designed to be inclusive with maximum representation across the ethnic spectrum.

Myanmar elections are encouraging, in contrast to the current regional and global security environment, that has exacerbated geo-political realignments. In South Asia, regional insecurity is at an all-time low, with Bangladesh engulfed in violence as a consequence of increased radicalisation and regressive policies — an unfortunate turnaround after an externally initiated regime change. Its planned elections in February 2026 may herald some pragmatism. Nepal is experiencing political uncertainty that could end with its elections scheduled for March 2026. India-Pakistan relations are at its nadir after Operation Sindoor.In this tumultuous churn, phase-1 of Myanmar elections, seem like a breath of fresh air. The chairman of the Election Commission, during his briefing on the changes in the current elections, emphasised that the aim is to conduct a credible multi-party democratic election. The current elections continue to be under the mandate of the 2008 Constitution, like the national elections of 2010, 2015 and 2020 and their by-elections. However, there is a change in election of representatives for the three levels of Parliament. Earlier, the elected representative was based on ‘First Past the Post (FPTP)’, but in this election, the FPTP system continues to be used for the Pyithu Hluttaw (House of Representatives).

A ‘Mixed Member Proportional (MMP)’ system was introduced for the upper house/ Amyotha Hluttaw (House of Nationalities) and the State & Regional Hluttaws. The MMP system combines two different electoral methods — FPTP and proportional representation (PR). Under the FPTP system, the majority of seats tend to go to the party with the most votes. By integrating PR, smaller parties will also receive seats proportional to their vote share allowing them to be represented in Parliament. In this way the strengths of FPTP’s decisiveness and PR’s inclusiveness are balanced.

For the Amyotha Hluttaw, the FPTP system will still be used in designated constituencies of the six ‘self-administered areas’ and ethnic minority constituencies. Ethnic minority constituencies are those representing ethnic groups who reside in the state or region, but are not native to that area and constitute at least 0.1% of the national population. Each such group is allocated a seat in Amyotha Hluttaw.

Another change was the voting methodology — from paper-based voting slips to standardised Myanmar electronic voting machines (MEVMs). The EVMs are similar to those in India and designed to prevent tampering.Lastly, elections are being conducted in three phases — phase-1 (already held) covered 102 townships, phase-2 held on January 11, 2026, covered 100 townships, and phase-3 scheduled for Jan 25, 2026, for 56-63 townships. Of the total 833 constituencies, elections are planned for 692.In the current elections, there were 24.26 million eligible voters, 57 political parties with 4,863 candidates.

Myanmar Election Commission had prepared a digital ‘central voter list management system (CVLMS)’ and the administration cum DEO software, for township level voter list management. Wide publicity of the voter list and its display at each polling station was seen in phase-1.

The Commission had accredited 24 domestic and 162 international observers with representatives from Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Belarus, Vietnam, Cambodia and special invitees from India and Japan. The hyper delegation from Russia, included members of the Russian Duma.

The author, as an invited independent individual by Union Election Commission (UEC) Myanmar, witnessed phase-1 in six of the eight constituencies of Nay Pyi Taw capital region — right from the opening of polling stations, casting of votes to interaction with election observers, party representatives at different polling stations. At the last polling station, voting machines and voting slips were digitally counted in front of the observers. It was fast, secure and tamper-proof.

While interacting with different strata of Myanmar society, it was evident that there was genuine relief among the public that peace may return to Myanmar. Voters were observed waiting patiently in long queues on voting day.

Much deliberation has been there at the National Defence and Security Council (NDSC) of Myanmar, under Senior General Min Aung Hlaing and the Election Commission, in planning these elections. There is a realisation among the eminent citizens and political bigwigs that elections are the first step in the long journey towards stability. There is a need for sharing of power with states. Some backdoor engagement with prominent ethnic groups seems to have been carried out. For India, a stable Myanmar augurs well for its security.

Since then Phase 2 of the Elections were successfully held on 11 January 2026, in 100 additional constituencies.In comparison to Phase 1 , the voter percentage was reportedly higher, but with an increase in incidents of violence. I conclude, by stating that India should wait and watch, speak to all parties and maintain relations with the government in power, in Myanmar.